El periódico independentista escocés The National aclara que en España no hay presos políticos

El periódico The National (independentista escocés) nos publica en inglés la carta en que cien académicos responden a Chomsky y otros intelectuales, explicándoles que en España no hay gente encarcelada por sus ideas, sino por sus actos delictivos.

THIS is a response to the letter to the editor of The National from Professor David Whyte, University of Liverpool and others.
Distinguished colleagues,
We also are academics working in fields which range from law to history, sciences and communication. We have read your letter to the editor of The National (World academics call for Catalonia prisoners’ release, April 20) and want to clarify some of the misconceptions that have been stated.
You speak of the darkest days of Spanish democracy since 1978, but we would expect from our learned colleagues not to forget the days of the end of February 1981, when a small section of the army took it upon themselves to end the short-lived democracy. Those two ominous days were ended when the Spanish King rejected the coup and the rebellious were jailed.
Or you would surely remember the dark days of the Spanish democracy when the terrorists of ETA, GAL, GRAPO or even the Catalonian terrorist group Terra Lliure attacked innocent people. You could also have mentioned as the dark period of the Spanish democracy the events of last September in Catalonia, when the regional government attempted to override the will of its people to separate the region from the rest of Spain.
Instead, you prefer to focus on what you yourselves, experts in your fields, call political prisoners. Political prisoners exist when people are prosecuted for their ideas. There have been political prisoners in all of your countries at some point in history, so you are familiar with the concept. When a politician breaches the law, goes against the orders of the court, overrides the legal advice of independent legal counselors, blatantly and illegally overturns its own parliamentary law and constitutional statue overnight, thoroughly ignores its parliamentary opposition (representing over 50 per cent of the electorate) and literally obliterates its parliamentary rights, acts against the wishes of the voters and so on, then the politician is not a political prisoner, but a politician who is a prisoner.

Moreover, when the said politician is in preventative prison because the rest of the prosecuted politicians have decided to escape the action in justice, then the politician is not a political prisoner: he or she is merely a politician in prison for his/her alleged crimes awaiting trial. Surely you are also acquainted with this concept. We would not expect serious academics to think that when a possible criminal is a politician, then he or she should be allowed to escape justice and avoid trial altogether. The courts of your respective countries would treat politicians, even academics turned politicians, with the same consideration for the rule of law.
The European Union has considered on numerous occasions the question of Catalonia. And it has done so in the only possible fair way: by expecting that the courts of justice will follow the right procedures and reminding everyone that opposition is possible, within the democratic channels.
The idea that those of us who favour the 1978 constitution (one of the most liberal constitutions in Europe) are heirs to “francoism” is, to be frank, most offensive, and we reject it in the strongest terms.
Finally, dear colleagues, you should ask yourselves one thing: why is it that those of us who opposed separatism – as we do – must endure attacks on our presumed lack of democratic credentials?
Yours truly (in chronological order):
Members of Foro de Profesores: